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The 210first expressed hope that the contribution of medical researchers could now be 211made public, so that people would know what they had done during the war.</p> 212 213<p>The second letter described Stone's "mixed feelings" at the success that had 214been achieved and his fear that the lingering effects of radiation from the bomb 215had been underestimated: "I could hardly believe my eyes," Stone wrote, "when I 216saw a series of news releases said to be quoting Oppenheimer, and g
216iving the 217impression that there is no radioactive hazard. Apparently all things are 218relative."</p> 219 220<p>Friedell and other researchers, including Stafford Warren and Shields Warren, 221soon traveled to Hiroshima and Nagasaki to begin what became an extensive 222research program on survivors. The data from that project quickly became and 223still remain the essential source of information on the long-term effects of 224radiation on populations of human beings.</p> 225 226<p>It was not long, however, before there were additional real-life data on the 227bomb, from postwar atomic tests. In 1946, the United States undertook the first 228peacetime nuclear weapons tests at Bikini Atoll in the Marshall Islands. 229Operation Crossroads, conducted before journalists and VIPs from around the 230world, was intended to test the ability of a flotilla of unmanned ships to 231withstand the blast. Since most of the ships remained afloat, the Navy declared 232Crossroads a triumph.</p> 233 234<p>Behind the scenes, however, Crossroads medical director Stafford Warren 235expressed horror at the level of contamination on the ships due to the 236underwater atomic blast. When the ships returned to the West Coast from the 237Pacific, they were extensively studied to assess the damage and contamination 238from the atomic bombs.</p> 239 240 241<p>The government created the Naval Radiological Defense Laboratory (NRDL) to 242study the effects of atomic bombs on ships and to design ways to protect them. 243"Crossroads," according to an NRDL history, "left no doubt that man was faced 244with the necessity for coping with strange and unprecedented problems for which 245no solutions were available."</p> 246 247<p>Hiroshima and Nagasaki, it now seemed, were only the beginning, not the end, 248of human exposure to bomb-produced radiation. As Crossroads confirmed with the 249lingering problem of contaminated ships, what the bomb did not obliterate it 250might still damage by radiation over the course of days or years. It was no 251longer enough to know about the effects of radioactive materials on American 252nuclear weapons workers; now there was the urgent need to understand the effects 253on American soldiers, sailors, and even citizens as well.</p> 254 255<p>Largely invisible to the public, an ad hoc bureaucracy sprang up to address 256the medical and radiation research problems of atomic warfare. This bureaucracy 257brought together former wartime radiation researchers, who were joined by junior 258colleagues, to advise, and participate in, the government's growing radiation 259research program. Other, already established groups--such as the AEC's Division 260of Biology and Medicine and its advisory committee--also had important places in 261the new network.</p> 262 263<p>Beyond considering fallout from the testing of atomic bombs, these groups 264also looked at how radiation itself might be used as a weapon. During the war, 265scientists like J. Robert Oppenheimer had speculated on the possibility that 266fission products (radioactive materials produced by the bomb or by reactors) 267could be dispersed in the air and on the ground to kill or incapacitate the 268enemy. In 1946, the widespread contamination of ships at Crossroads by 269radioactive mist gave dramatic evidence of the potential of so-called 270radiological warfare, or RW. In 1947, the military created a committee of 271experts to study the problem.</p> 272 273<p>The following year, a blue-ribbon panel of physicians and physicists looked 274at the prospects, both offensive and defensive, of what the Pentagon termed "Rad 275War." The work of these panels would lead to dozens of intentional releases of 276radiation into the environment at the Army's Dugway, Utah, testing grounds from 277the late 1940s to the early 1950s. The very fact that the government was engaged 278in RW tests was a secret. Indeed, the records of the RW program--including, as 279we shall see in chapter 11, the debate on what the public should be told about 280the program--would remain largely secret for almost fifty years.</p> 281 282<p>In 1949, a military program to build a nuclear-powered airplane led to a set 283of proposed human radiation experiments. The NEPA (Nuclear Energy for the 284Propulsion of Aircraft) program had its origins in 1946 as a venture that 285included the Manhattan Project's Oak Ridge site, the military, and private 286aircraft manufacturers. Robert Stone, as we shall see in chapter 8, was a 287leading proponent of experiments involving healthy volunteers, as a key to 288answering questions about the radiation hazard faced by the crew of the proposed 289airplane.</p> 290 291<p>The NEPA and RW groups considered important, but still discrete, projects. 292Where did the "big picture" discussions take place? The Advisory Committee has 293pieced together the records of the Armed Forces Medical Policy Council, the 294Committee on Medical Sciences, and the Joint Panel on the Medical Aspects of
295Atomic Warfare. These three Defense Department groups, all chaired by civilian 296doctors, guided the government on both the broad subject of military-related 297biomedical research and the new and special problems posed by atomic warfare.</p> 298 299<p>If the surviving records are an indication, from its creation in 1949 to its 300evident demise with the reorganization of the Defense Department in 1953, the 301Joint Panel quickly became the hub of atomic warfare-related biomedical 302research. The Joint Panel gathered information about relevant research from all 303corners of the government, provided guidance for Defense Department programs, 304and reviewed and coordinated policy in the matter of human experimentation using 305atomic energy.</p> 306 307<p>By charter, the group was to be headed by a civilian. Harvard's Dr. Joseph 308Aub, a long-standing member of the Boston-based medical research community who 309had worked with Robley Evans on the study of the radium dial painters and had 310also studied lead toxicity, served as chair. Those who served with Aub included 311Evans, Hymer Friedell, and Louis Hempelmann, Oppenheimer's Manhattan Project 312medical aide. Other government participants came from the AEC, the Public Health 313Service, the National Institutes of Health, the Veterans Administration, and the 314CIA. (The charter provided that the Joint Panel should collect information on 315relevant research conducted abroad, which the CIA evidently provided.)</p> 316 317<p>This bureaucracy provided the venue for secret discussions that linked the 318arts of healing and war in ways that had little precedent. At one and the same 319time, for example, doctors counseled the military about the radiation risk to 320troops at the site of atomic bomb tests, advised on the need for research on the 321"psychology of panic" at such bomb tests, and debated the need for rules to 322govern atomic warfare-related experimentation.</p> 323 324<p>The records of the Joint Panel show that, during the height of the Cold War, 325the resources of civilian agencies were part of the mobilization of resources to 326serve national security interests. For example, Dr. Howard Andrews, trained as a 327physicist, was the National Institutes of Health's representative to the Joint 328Panel, and in the 1950s he worked with the DOD and the AEC in monitoring safety 329measures and measuring fallout from nuclear tests.</p> 330 331<p>In 1950 President Truman ordered federal agencies, including the Public 332Health Service and NIH, to focus their resources on activities that would 333benefit national security needs. On paper, at least, PHS and NIH policymakers 334sought to direct resources to questions of radiation injury, civil defense, and 335worker health and safety.</p> 336 337<p>For example, a 1952 internal planning memo explained that NIH "will not wait 338for formal requests by the armed forces . . . to undertake research which NIH 339staff knows to be of urgent military and civilian defense significance. Limited 340selective conversion of research to work directly related to biological warfare, 341shock, radiation injury and thermal burns will begin immediately. . . ." The 342fragmentary surviving documentation, however, does not show the extent to which 343PHS- and NIH-funded researchers actually redirected their investigations or 344merely recast the purpose of ongoing work.</p> 345 346 347 348 349 350 351
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